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The Paris Exposition also saw the appearance of a new medium with distinc- tive architectonic styles. Small-scale pavilions showcasing gastronomy or private entrepreneurs appeared here for the first time in significant numbers. Before long, pavilions were appropriated by nations as the medium par excellence for self—representation at the universal exhibitions at the turn of the century.

The ephemeral palaces built on the Rue des Nations for the Paris Exposition are evidence of this. Wesemael — Universality remained the leitmotif for major fairs, where the latest and greatest was put on display — items from everyday material culture, important technical inventions and outstanding industrial achievements, bringing international exhibitors together. In the region of Central Europe, universal and international exhibitions shared many features with their western precedents.

At the same time, however, they adopted independent agendas, related to the specific political circumstances in which they were organized. The case of Hungary, as the Eastern half of the Dual Monarchy, and therefore covering a large part of what authors define today as Central Europe, provides an especially pertinent example of such an autonomous transformation of the exhibition medium, which was used to proclaim sovereignty, modernity and national identity.

For many artists, architects and passionate amateurs, peasant traditions preserved national roots and fragmented memories from the pre-conquest period. As a collection of remnants of the mythical past, peasant culture was interpreted as the basis of reinvented national myths and legends, and, more importantly from a political point of view, drove attempts to revive a national vernacular in art and architecture.

Hobsbawn —, Anderson The Hungarian Millennium was an event of great national enthusiasm. Intellectuals, politicians, priests, noblemen and sometimes simple citizens promoted their ideas on how to commemorate this event. Even though organizational issues played a crucial role, the date of the conquest could not be determined, not even approximately. The use of art and architecture for national representation became a major element of official cultural politics after the Millennium exhibition in , and during the subsequent two decades, in every part of the Dual Monarchy.

Hungarian exhibitors first took part in universal exhibitions as early as in London, although the history of Hungarian pavilions, like that of all the other participating nations, did not begin until in Paris. As part of a new and nationalistic paradigm of national representation, national pavilions reflected the image of cultural sovereignty for both Hungary and Croatia. Still, there was no hint of an idea of political independence, and national life was envisioned within the Habsburg.

The political concept of being Hungarian or Croatian and sovereign did not exclude accepting the results of the political compromise of Cultural self—image differed from political will and reality. In the course of the nineteenth century, small trade fairs and industrial exhibitions around Europe increasingly opened up to international exhibitors and audiences. In general, universal exhibitions were addressed to international audiences.

After the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, a number of attempts were made in Hungary to organize an international exhibition. The contemporary aspect of the Millennium Exhibition was contained in the representation of the latest economic and cultural achievements of Hungary in the Main Contemporary Group, which included industrial, ethnographic and art sections.

The retrospective part of the Main Historical Group, housed in a romantic pavilion composed of replicas of twenty-two different historic buildings, focused on historical development and culture going back to the coronation of King St.

Stephen of Hungary in AD Albert — Participation in the exhibition reflected the political situation of the time, for Croatia was part of Hungary, and was thus obliged to be involved in the exhibition to demonstrate the political connection between the two countries. In the case of the French Restaurant, there is a clear neo-Baroque reference, a world away from the Wagnerschule, standing out among an architectural landscape filled mostly with pavilions bearing visible wooden or wooden-like structures, referring to the national theme of woods,.

Other pavilions with neo-Baroque forms, designed by the Braun brothers and by J. Hubert, housed Croatian wines and Hungarian sparkling wine companies. Hungary offi- cially joined the exposition universelle in Paris as a participant and invested more financial, economic and intellectual effort into its national presentation than ever before.

The Hungarian pavilion on the Rue des Nations was the first to be decorated using vernacular motifs on an ephemeral construction, opening the way for the use of such motifs and premodern tendencies in Hungarian pavilions during later decades. The paper investigates the changed and unchanged aspects of the two national representations and the change of message from the domestic to the international audience. The universal exhibition of offered a radically different concept of nation-building strategies, with rising interest in the making of modern Slavic art and architecture and the emergence of neo-Byzantine archi- tecture, both of which took on increasing significance in the interwar period.

At the turn of the century, Hungarian folk traditions were officially propagated in features of modern national art and architecture. This was an important factor in pavilion architecture and decorative art objects. Minea underlines in his paper that Universal Exhibitions offered the newly inde- pendent Balkan states — Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania — an excellent oppor- tunity to represent their diverse approaches in nation building process Popescu — Western influence was still obviously present in the creation of a national architecture, the pavilions of the new independent Balkan countries were mostly built by French architects.

The early-twentieth-century Balkans witnessed both the emancipation of several nation states and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman Empires. This was the end of a long historical process, which relied heavily not only on political and diplomatic means, but also on cultural imagination. The elites of these rapidly developing political entities Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania sought to create a national imagery that would be instrumental in legitimizing nation- and state-building, expansionism and various other political issues.

At the Paris Exposition the national pavilions of Balkan countries — Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria and Romania — expressed their competition and as such they were all employing styles related to Byzantine architecture see also Popescu The diverse approaches of forming a common modern identity in the ethnically and religiously mixed Balkan region were all based on being modern successors to an ancient imperial power.

The author argues that the location and interdependence of the pavilions of Austria-Hungary at the Paris Universal Exhibition in reflected the political and economic efforts of the Dual Monarchy. This was intended to justifying the annexation of the province and this process was culminated in the design of the pavilion of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the Paris Exposition. The pavilion of Bosnia and Herze- govina, similarly to the common use of oriental and western influences, remained in the core of the Ottoman Pavilions in turn-of-the-century pavilions at European universal expositions.

Contrary to the political situation of South-Eastern Europe at the end of the nineteenth century, North-Eastern European nations faced different challenges and — like Latvia and Poland, incorporated into Russia and Germany — adopted different strategies of exhibition architecture and display.

As the author Drohobycka-Grzesiak demonstrates, the show reflected competing nation building strategies between ethnic groups without central political administration, analyzed in details by Markian Prokopovych — Galicia was a multi- national and multicultural region, the western part being ethnically Polish, while the eastern part was mostly Ukrainian. Although the Galician General Provincial Exhibition was originally intended to reflect the aspirations of the province as a whole, it instead shone a light on the unequal position of Poles and Ukrainians in Galicia at that time.

A similar tendency can be traced in another culturally, religiously and linguistically heterogenic Eastern and Northern territory of Austria-Hungary. In , the 10th All-Russian Congress of Archaeology took place in Riga — this exhibition forms the focus of the investigations of Silvija Grosa.

The Riga Latvian Society organized an exhibition based on more than ethnographic items collected from different regions of Latvia by expeditions specially organized for this event, they were displayed in a wooden pavilion was built for the exhibition.

As Grosa argues, the significance of the exhibition lay not so much in the discovery of Art Nouveau as in the growth of self-confidence in both Riga and the wider region, which also promoted an appreciation of historical traditions.

The definition of Central Europe changed after the First World War as a result of political realignment. The region of Central Europe including, in discourses of the post-WWII situation, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia and, to a certain extent, Serbia is, as mentioned earlier, a fluid geopolitical concept and a politically unstable territory with constantly shifting borders, but two additional factors must be borne in mind.

Firstly, it consists of a group of countries where western civilization and western values have long been incorporated in exhibition organization and displays; and secondly, the modern canons that appeared in architecture and display in the post-WWII socio-political context served as objectified references in intellectual discourse.

Additionally the implementation of modernity since the s has relied upon markedly different strategies in Central European exhibition architecture.

The creation of new nation states in Central Europe after the First World War fundamentally changed the political circumstances. New national policies promoted new national identities based on the enigma of modernism in society, state administration, economics and culture.

As in post-revolutionary Paris at the beginning of the long nineteenth century, newly created art museums in the post-WWI period played a crucial role as the foremost representational tools of the new national narratives.

The foundation of national museums and art galleries in capitals from Kaunas to Ljubljana, the reorganization of regional museums Landesmuseen , or the transformation of regional collec- tions into national ones was all carried out to serve the representational needs of new national politics.

The foundation of museums based on patriotic, civic, or middle-class initiatives is an important characteristic in the region: nations living under Russian, Prussian or Austrian rule, deprived of national self-determination until the end of the First World War, with dominant Russian- or German-speaking intelligentsia in the national lands in the nineteenth century, followed Western nation-building strategies and faced strikingly similar problems Gellner ; Smith The internationalization of art and modern art museums from the beginning of the s coincided with the formation of the nation states in Central Europe, and thus with a desire to create national cultural and artistic canons.

This went against the crucial international character of modernism. Modernist architecture surpassed the nineteenth century classification of classical forms and national tendencies in architecture; it reflected formal artistic problems and philosophical issues, and was based on shared experience.

Similarly to the theoretical shift in musealization, the display and settings of ephemeral interwar pavilions also changed significantly. The interwar period gave rise to national modernist architecture, which, in combi- nation with the emerging role and rapidly developing technology of media and photography, fundamentally changed perceptions of architecture.

The author highlights the representations of modernist ephemeral exhibition architecture and interiors and analyzes their own narratives and their own meanings. Ephemeral constructions influenced the rapidly changing character of modern cities after the First World War.

Projects for small-scale catering and transport pavilions were designed to be integrated into the Vienna and Budapest cityscapes of the s.

The strong link between modernism and national identity cannot be considered as a Central European peculiarity. The par excellence multiethnic state in the West, Switzerland, has experienced a similar identity transformation. Swiss reaction to the First World War saw the development of a potentially destructive divide in Switzerland between the francophone and germanophone communities and the development of two opposing interpretations of Swiss exceptionalism. To para-. The identity-building process of the newly emerging nation states of Central Europe in the interwar period and the multi-ethnic, Western European Switzerland incorporated the primordially international discourse of modernism in similar ways.

New mass media technologies appeared in parallel with the formation of new nation states after the First World War. The paradigmatical shifts presented in her paper were symptomatic for the countries of Central Eastern Europe in the to s.

The Jubilee Exhibition of which, as a showcase for Czech nationalism, was organized in the frame of the multiethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire. Although the show fundamentally differed from the politically independent attitude of the Hungarian Millennium Celebrations, the Czech Village of the exhibition, similarly to the Polish or Hungarian exhibitions of the s became a particularly important attraction, aimed at invoking a sense of historicity of the Czech nation, embedded in folk culture and tradition.

As the author demonstrates the role of folk art has significantly lost its significance in the region. The importance of original forms of their national — Czech, Polish or Hungarian — cultures, was replaced by a more international and modernist orientation on the political and art scenes.

The republican period of Czechoslovak identity-building was. Efforts were redoubled to develop the Hungarian aluminum industry, deemed important in households and also in the renewal of the building industry. Demonstrating indus- trial capacities through the use of new materials and the development of exhibition industry was a common characteristic of socialist economies in the region.

The authors point out the commercial value of modernist pavilions: in the ss many new pavilions were built, while others changed owners or users.

The original Hungarian pavilion of , constructed with a light and dismountable metal structure, was moved not far away to make room for a new pavilion for West Germany, and later again, to a more distant point, while Hungary shared a new pavilion with Spain.

Lara Slivnik analyzes the Yugoslav pavilions built for world exhibitions: among the ones in Barcelona. Modernity, incorporated into the identity-building strategies of post-WWI nation states, is reflected also in the contemporary discourse on memory. The afterlife of pavilions, in the shape of post-WWII modernism, can be traced not only in their reuse as museums or exhibition spaces. The Hungarian Pavilion shows clear references to medieval and vernacular Magyar architecture and to the national artistic tradition of rich and colorful ornamentation Sisa 23— As in the international expositions held in Milan three years before , and in Turin two years later , Hungary attempted to affirm its specific cultural identity through the architecture and the decorative arts, noticeably in opposition to the Austrian national one.

Although conceived as a permanent exhibition structure, its primary architectural context was the Hungarian pavilions of Milan and Turin.

The ideological and political choices that modified its structure during one century reflect a similar modernist approach to the problem of exhibition phenomena as in the preceding Yugoslav and Croatian cases. These modifications significantly contributed to the consideration of the building as ephemeral in spite of its originally permanent structure. After a long and sparsely documented history from ancient times to the eight- eenth century, ephemeral buildings appeared with new characteristics in nine- teenth-century architecture.

Over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, ephemeral buildings frequently offered the latest architectural solutions. They were usually intended by architects to function as an autonomous experimental genre, providing new possibilities in terms of concept, planning, setting and display. Later they were often appropriated and utilized by dictatorial regimes for their own needs, as demonstrations of power or as flagships of modernism.

Great Exhibitions in the Margins, London, pp. Anderson B. Auerbach J. Bennett T. Carpenter K. Kinney L. Demski D. Douglas M. Great Exhibitions in the Margins, London. Gellner E. Nations and Nationalism, Greenhalgh P.

Harvey P. Hobsbawn E. Houze R. Kusamitsu T. History Workshop Journal vol. Mitchell W. Cambridge MA. Popescu C. Rennes, pp. Prokopovych M. Rampley M. Rattenbury K. Royle E. Sisa J. Smith, A. Unowsky D. Rozenblit M. Vadas F. Ars Hungarica, vol. Wesemael P. A Socio—historical analysis of World Exhibitions as a didactic phenomenon —— , Rotterdam. According to conventional belief, the history of glass architecture began with purely utilitarian palace greenhouses and orangeries that grew, exclusively thanks to nineteenth century technological advances, into gigantic pavilions of world fairs and glass-vaulted arcades.

Our article aims to show that, in fact, it was the other way round. The huge glass exhibition pavilions were not the starting point of glass architecture mythology per se, but rather the culmination of its age-old evolution.

By the early nineteenth century, when progress in construc- tion technologies and cast iron production in Europe had enabled a breakthrough in glass architecture, it already had a two-century long mythological tradition. In our report we intend to give an overview of the history of glass architecture as a mythological project and will therefore dwell not so much on the aspects of architecture studies as on the ideological reasons behind the way contemporaries perceived glass architecture and the evolution of its mythology.

It is important to point out that the idea of glass architecture associated with the mythology of the material itself largely predated the appearance of widespread gigantic winter gardens, glass domes, exhibition palaces and glass-vaulted arcades. Hence it is impossible to understand the underpinnings of the mythological program of nine- teenth-century glass architecture and its implementation without giving thought to the symbolical potential glass architecture had had even before its appearance.

Indeed, starting with the baroque period the idea of ethereal, immaterial glass architecture was scrupulously developed within the context of visions of a crystal Heavenly City, the allegorical solar program of European absolutism and, finally, social utopias.

Thus, even before the arrival of technologies that made it possible to produce buildings of glass, there had appeared a certain architectural iconography of glass imitating and simulating structures that did not even need the prevalence of glass elements in architecture.

These two parallel tendencies — the myth of glass as a special material and glass imitation tradition in architecture — merged with the appearance of new construc- tion technologies, initially enriching each other with meanings and acquiring. However, when it became possible to use large glass surfaces rather than imitate glass, intricately nuanced iconography of imitation glass as a symbolic form was no longer necessary.

The idea of glass architecture is traced back to the integral Christian concept of an ideal world order expected by mankind to come at the end of its history — the promised Ideal City of glass and precious metal.

The vision of the Heavenly Jeru- salem described in the Revelation of St. John the Divine produced a large vocab- ulary of rhetorical images. The numerous narratives of glass, crystal and precious architectural structures initially appeared in a purely religious context and, for all their diverse forms and stories, had the common aim of making the viewers sensu- ally aware of the outer celestial image envisioned as the kingdom of supernatu- rally transparent hovering forms.

As the idea of visionary celestial architecture was based on the idea of God being light, the phenomenology of transparent glass and light reflecting crystal proved appropriate in descriptions of the metaphys- ical nature of the celestial palace, which dematerialised its own structure and thus came close to the purely spiritual essence. As a cornerstone symbol of European culture, Heavenly City architecture set prac- ticing architects and their clients such a powerful iconographic and ethical canon that its impact is felt throughout the history of glass architecture up to the twen- tieth century.

As a result of this experience of a literary interpretation of the crystal myth, together with the emergence of dozens of engravings illustrating the glass structures and park ornaments, glass architecture was perceived as a realized mythological project even at the dawn of its existence. The fact that it was still impossible to translate the poetical city into reality in the absence of technological and engineering means little bothered the most august clients and their builders.

Mythology was summoned to help technology. The task of putting the ideal heavenly city on solid ground at the palace estates of European sovereigns striving after political clout had become topical by the seventeenth century. The decisive factor was the extraordinary actualization of the solar myth, which was felt already in post-Renaissance Neoplatonism and mysti- cism and became finally coalesced by the early seventeenth century.

The early attempts to mix together the images of the Heavenly City and the palace of the Sun in conformity with the preceding literary tradition were made in odes. Soon, however, what was possible only metaphysically began to appear also within reach. The most august clients wished to embody the image of the heavenly city in their residences. The architects faced the task of transforming the precious glass vision into an earthly structure that programmatically retained its symbolical meaning.

This technologically impossible mission was fulfilled in a paradoxically baroque way. Despite the fact that it was the material nature of glass that imparted a mytholog- ical vector to architecture, ensuring by its physical qualities the very possibility of assigning mythological status to glass structures, the role of glass in the allegorical heavenly mansions of the seventeenth-century palace ensembles proved rather modest.

The experience gained in building utilitarian orangeries and their association with the Hesperides Gardens traditional for European garden culture was of paramount importance to the development of the architectural program of the solar palace.

Thus, throughout the seventeenth century it was a matter of a certain set of mate- rials imitating glass rather than the symbolism of the architectural form of a heav- enly palace. However, as early as the following century a consistently recognizable iconographical canon of solar architecture was already there. Its circular form calls to mind the principles of organizing the Temple of the Sun in keeping with the classical model formulated by Leon Battista Alberti, and also the models of ideal cities that were widespread during the Renaissance period.

His circular light-pervaded precious palace of the Sun became a point of departure for future solar inventions of the architects and decorators of all European palaces. From that moment on any stage or park palace of the Sun, be it only a dome supported by columns or a full- fledged heated garden pavilion, was a separate gazebo or a central rotunda with two semi-circular orangery wings.

Such are the Orangery Palace of Landgrave Charles of Hessen-Kassel in his summer residence of Karlsaue and the orangery palaces of Charlottenburg — and Schwetzingen However, perhaps the most grandiose monuments of baroque orangery palace architecture are Zwinger, conceived by Augustus the Strong in as an orangery for citrus plants, and the Bayreuth Palace of the Sun, both built of materials programmatically imitating gems and glass.

A multitude of these and similar park palaces and temples of the Sun of the seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries, forming a single ensemble with the park orang- eries, were quintessentially glass architecture even before it saw the light of day.

Born of the solar myth, the representative baroque park structures owed their popularity exclusively to the allegorical task they addressed because until the mid-eighteenth century no garden orangery was economically rational from the utilitarian point of view. Expensive glass, heating and the purchase and maintenance of citrus, bay,. Joseph Saint-Pierre and Carl von Gontard. Nevertheless, it was during that period that orangeries flourished purely due to the symbolical rather than utilitarian function of their handmade gardens.

The situation began to change in the late eighteenth century, when baroque solar emblems lost their political topicality, and the rotunda orangery palaces imitating gems and crystal of the heavenly city simultaneously saw their former charm fade away. Meanwhile, the formal scheme of central circular in plan, with or without side galleries, which had become firmly established, continued to be used actively.

It should be admitted though that the very need for symbolical imitation glass had disappeared by that time. Improved glassmaking technology and pig iron and iron structures introduced in construction practice extended the possibilities of glass architecture with every passing day, enabling the builders of palaces and ceremonial orangeries to practically fully glass in the facades and even produce the earliest glass roof constructions that made it easier for sunbeams to penetrate the premises.

Although representative glass architecture retained its heaven-inspired mythological vector and paradise conno- tations, the latter underwent a signal symbolical perversion. The hoped for crystal Heavenly City of the future was replaced with the image of the lost Garden of Eden reminding of the primordial happiness of man innocent and in harmony with nature. A characteristic sign of that process was the shift in the range of orangery plants from traditional citrus trees to palms and flowers associated with paradise and also the indispensable introduction of water bodies and murmuring streams as typical of the picturesque Arcadia.

It is noteworthy that for the time being a new form would be sought within the traditional categories of the solar palace. For instance, the Berlin Botanical Gardens design conceived by the architect Karl Friedrich Schinkel in as a huge truncated cone with fully glassed in facets Fig.

By the late eighteenth century the link between constructions and society that had funded them began to be seen differently, which in turn raised the question of the relationship between architecture and technology, architecture and construction. Alongside traditional commissions for private palaces there multiplied public construction projects, including hospitals, manufactories, theatres, public gardens and glass-vaulted arcades.

The novelty was not so much in the nature of the commissions as in increasingly more specific and functional explanations attached. In the context of culture that had discovered the impor- tance of technology and set out to describe its mechanisms and accomplishments to be useful also meant to have new relations with the art of architecture and to heed the needs of construction to a greater extent, putting the age-old symbolism of materials to the service of new ideas.

Nurtured by the eschatological Christian tradition, representative glass architec- ture of the sun palaces imparted a temporal dimension to glass structures localized in concrete geographical space. Aiming at the bright future or the ideal heavenly past, ceremonial glass architecture of the Baroque and the Enlightenment invari- ably served as the earthly prefiguration of the transcendental world of wealth.

By acquiring a distinct nature of geographical fiction, in one way or another it always offered a variation on the theme of the ideal city in which glass, be it real or desig- nated symbolically, was the building material of the ideal with its back projection of one historical epoch onto another.

It was precisely these decisive generic features that the architecture of the famous Crystal Palace of Joseph Paxton, the Galerie des machines of the Exposition Universelle of Paris and other exhibition pavilions of the nineteenth century had inherited from their glass orangery predecessors. It was not by chance that the Crystal Palace, conceived by its architects as the temple of the future unity of mankind, exhibited alongside future technologies ethnographic materials and models of historical architecture.

The utopian urban development projects envisioned by nineteenth-century romantics and socialists as the ideal cities of the future were based on the same aspects of glass architecture. Nineteenth-century glass architecture mythology developed along the lines of turning to advantage the symbolism of the material itself, the traditionally enchanting qualities of which — fragility, translucence and airiness — can now be stressed and exploited with the help of new building technologies, including metal structures and the modular cell production system.

Although structures built with the help of innovative glassed-in frame technology differed from the mythological palaces of solid glass or cut crystal, the new image of giant translucent, open and pellucid space was as close to its symbolical proto- types as never before.

This theme of technical progress materialising the age-old symbolism of glass became a subject of artistic reflection as soon as the new frame structures enabling huge glassed-in surfaces had been introduced in the architec- tural practice The mythology of glass in modern age was researched and described in details in: Iampolski — Romanticism offered the earliest experience in interpreting the new images of glass architecture within the integral system of the philosophy of art.

The boom in new greenhouse design of the ss coincided with the appear- ance of Romanticist literary utopias with their variations on the theme of fantastic glass cities.

These novels comprise a virtually complete set of the key motifs of the mythology of transparent glass architecture in the aesthetics and natural philosophy of Romanticism, which would later on prove essential to the architectural iconography and enlightenment programs of World Fairs. The pervasive motifs of glazing, freezing and attaining perfect crystal form can be correlated with the formal quests of the orangery architects of the first third of the nineteenth century — orangery designs in the form of a cone or faceted crystal, streamlined orangeries and gigantic orangery vaults of various shapes Scottish garden designer and the orangery architect John Claudius Loudon, for instance, designed a bell-shaped vault — in which Romanticist myth- making fancifully echoed solar mythology.

The Romanticists interpreted the triumph of modern industrial civilisation embodied in glass palaces as its ability to merge harmoniously with the natural world. In addition to images of glass architecture and flora, there are detailed descriptions of glass clothing.

Poets, philosophers, historians and scholars, dressed in elastic cut-glass and strolling in glass-vaulted gardens, form the high society of the enlightened forty-fourth century.

Odoevsky — Without going into details of the Crystal House architecture and enlightenment program, which have been dealt with in writings galore, we shall point out several crucial aspects. This metaphoric nature. The cross-fertilisation of the nineteenth-century avalanche of Romanticist fantasies on the theme of glass and the plethora of social utopias envisioning the creation of glass communities was only natural.

The link between utopia and glass architecture is revealed in the history of projects associated with the Crystal Palace. Titus Salt, a textile manufacturer, intended to acquire it in for his ideal utopia of the Saltaire model village. Jones finished his Palace of the People project in , and in designed a glass exhibition pavilion for the Paris environ of Saint Cloud. Owen Jones. A Palace of the People. Those were attempts to wed glassed-in metal structures to historical reminiscences of the recognizable solar palace modifications with the colossal round vault commanding the centre and enlarged galleries stretching along the wings as gigantic arcades.

As the culmination of visionary designs of glass structure of the first half of the nineteenth century, the Crystal Palace became a landmark in both the history and mythology of glass architecture. Ever since the major motifs of glass architec- ture — the progressist concept of social utopia following directly in the footsteps of the eschatological concept of the longed-for Celestial City, industrial visions, the Garden of Eden and the sacramental — have merged in a single mythological stratum.

The glass palace has become a natural architectural form for World Fair pavilions with an invariably powerful symbolic charge. It was obvious in the International Exhibition Pavilion in London, which was designed by Francis Fowke for South Kensington — a gigantic structure in area exceeding the Crystal Palace and with a vault 49 metres in diameter. The motif of a glass rotunda going back to the architectural iconography of the Celestial City turned out to be just as stable.

The mentioned above J. Loudon, who designed round orangeries for the Birmingham Botanical Garden in , was the first to use that form in nineteenth-cen- tury architectural practice. Parallel to the establishment of the round form in the practice of new glass architecture it appeared in numerous social utopias that invar- iably envisaged a round glass structure in the centre of an ideal community.

That motif took root all the more fast and easy since the round temple of the sun directly referred to models of ideal cities widespread in the Renaissance period that in their turn resulted in the later literary project of the ideal City of the Sun by Campanella at the turn of the seventeenth century.

Right from this utopian space the round glass pavilion was transported to the visionary space of World Fairs as exemplified by the giant elliptic pavilion of the International Exposition in Paris.

Countless direct or indirect literary allusions to those buildings enhanced the mythical perception of glass architecture. Their analysis promises exciting research in its own right. As world fairs gradually lost their enlightenment thrust and began to be seen as big commercial shows by the end of the century, the literary symbolism of the tradi- tional glass palace also changed.

Very much like the Crystal Palace became a sort of epilogue of the romantic visionary myth, the Galerie des machines pavilion of the Exposition became the central image of glass mythology for writers of the s and early s. Their interpretation was diametrically opposite – glass was understood as artificial rather than natural and became a symbol of intellectual finesse and frequently alienation.

Iampolski — In Symbolist works glass architecture was often associated with infernal and deadly motifs. In the new corpus of myths glass architecture took the form of a hothouse with monstrous plants, a hospital, clinic or prison. Hofmannsthal and Maeterlinck obviously alluded to contemporary glass exhibition pavilions when they sent their characters wandering through fantastic glass labyrinths entwined with iron flora.

The Symbolist interpretation put an end to the nineteenth-century myths of glass architecture. But that is an altogether different story. To close our survey of the nineteenth century, let us take a look at some examples of glass pavilions built for Russian industrial and art exhibitions that may be not so well-known as their European prototypes, yet conform to the pan-European main- stream.

The Russian industrial exhibitions evolved their enlightenment programs under the impact of major expositions of the European industrial powers, above all those of London and Paris. Ethnographical and industrial sections combined in the Russian pavilions to meet the progressist concept of the Golden Age trans- planted from the past into the future.

That program called for a corresponding iconography to comply with the uniform European tradition of glass architecture mythology. The building of glass pavilions for Russian exhibitions was preceded by domestic experience in designing and building orangeries. Design sketches show that the glassed-in interior was created with the help of an intricate pattern of openwork metal structures. The impression of space opening to without was to be complemented by a freely laid out English garden. That heav- enly garden was to strike an especially expressive contrast with the snow-bound cityscape Borisova — Innovative engineering solutions in glass architecture went hand-in-hand with aspirations, inherited by eclecticism from Romanticism, to look for historical parallels with modern structures in the pan-European architectural past.

The tech- nical possibilities of glass architecture that enabled the creation of vast interior space free from massive constraining walls prompted recourse to the composi-. Harald Bosse. The association of glass with Gothic was especially stable in nineteenth and early twentieth-century glass architecture mythology.

Gerasimov, W. Khachatryan, N. Ivanova, S. Kondratev, Yu. Zabrodskaya Pages Dmitriev, Yulia V. Ivanova, Voldemar R. Tayrit Pages Ilin, A.

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Anton Vrdoljak, prof. To learn the tools and features to get started using Word more. Operating system Open the template acadiso. PowerPoint presentations are composed of slides, just like conventional presentations. Like a 35mm film-based slide, each PowerPoint slide. These instructions assume the. Design of e-books: readers expectations in a comparative perspective Josipa Selthofer, jselthofer ffos.

This release summary. Welcome to Microsoft Office Email: training health. All rights reserved. Information in this document is subject to change without notice.

The changes to Petrel s interface reflect. Vince and I.

 
 

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This Book provides an clear examples on each and every topics covered in the contents of the book to provide an every user those who are read to develop their knowledge. The text presents the topic in a clear, simple, practical, logical and cogent fashion that provides the students with insights into theory as well as applications to practical problems. Autodesk Revit Architecture Essentials: Autodesk Official Press written to meet exhaustively the requirements of various syllabus in the subject of the courses in B.

Sc Engineering of various Indian Universities. You all must have this kind of questions in your mind. Below article will solve this puzzle of yours. Just take a look. The reason is the electronic devices divert your attention and also cause strains while reading eBooks. The new pedagogical approach emphasizes learning skills to help you prepare for the Revit certification exams.

Step-1 : Read the Book Name and author Name thoroughly. Step-4 : Click the Download link provided below to save your material in your local drive.

LearnEngineering team try to Helping the students and others who cannot afford buying books is our aim. For any quarries, Disclaimer are requested to kindly contact us , We assured you we will do our best. Thank you. Grantham Free Download. Your Comments About This Post.

 

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Data is collected anonymously and will not be shared with third parties. The Act of Foundation, a crucial moment of the Millennium Year, framed the exhibition itself. Objectives After this exercise you will be able. Korolkov, M. The Symbolist interpretation put an end to the nineteenth-century myths of glass architecture. It’s really very difficult in this active life to listen news on TV, so I only use internet for that purpose, and get the most recent information.